It is sad to hear that someone who took part and played a
very critical role in ensuring that Nigeria remained as one amalgamated entity
has passed away without any form of recognition. The legend of the man remains
a mystery to most Nigerians mainly because his exploits and memory have been
interred in the cemetery of amnesia deliberately or otherwise by those who
ought to tell his tales to Nigerians young and unborn in order to avoid the
errors of our past. Many have gone to social media to condemn the man and wish
him express passage to hell without necessarily spending a moment to revisit whatever
information is available about the man’s life.
He was a Major when Northern officers and non-commissioned
officers mutinied in July 1966. Many eastern officers were murdered across the
country with a handful of western officers caught in the mayhem. Certain senior
officers in Kaduna arranged to have surviving and injured eastern officers with
their families transported by rail back to the east. At the same time, several
northern officers from Enugu were following orders that emanated from the
supreme headquarters that soldiers should gravitate back to their regions to
neutralize the effects of the sporadic mutiny. The mutiny had failed in Enugu
because a proactive commanding officer had secured the armory before hell was
let loose. These officers together with northern soldiers from the 4th
battalion based in Ibadan caught up with those soldiers on that train heading
south from Kaduna and murdered some of them. Benjamin Adekunle is reported to
have been one of those who stood up to these murderous lot and one report has
it that the then lieutenant Shehu Yar’adua threatened to kill him aboard that
train.
Lt. Colonel Ojukwu frustrated by the happenings across the
nation and a seemingly unwillingness of the young Gowon to fulfil compromises
made at Aburi declared secession and pulled the Eastern region out of the
federation. The problem with this move was that the Igbo ethnic group which had
suffered greatly and unfairly from untold violence and injustice prior to that
time made up only a portion of the Eastern region. This initially thought
rebellion soon degenerated into a full blown armed conflict which earned the
tag of “Civil war”. The Federal forces approached Biafra from three fronts with
two divisions headed by Northerners: Col. Shuwa and Lt. Col Murtala Mohammed. A
third division had Lt. Col Adekunle who was only 31 years old then commanding
and approaching Biafra via the seaports and waterfronts that bounded the more
pro-Nigeria states of the Eastern region. Adekunle was half Ogbomoso and half
Bachama and from what I can infer from available documents; the more senior
officers under his command were Yoruba (Akinrinade, Ayo-Ariyo, Makanjuola) and
from the middle belt axis (Shande) of Nigeria with a handful of Eastern,
non-Igbo officers (Isaac Boro, Etuk). He also had a few northern officers in
the mix as well with someone like Alabi-Isama who was technically of Northern
origin at the time.
Several books have been written about the Nigerian civil war
with some surviving key participants also weighing in on the subject matter. I understand
Adekunle also published his account but I have not come across it yet. I am not
sure if any document describes the person of Benjamin Adekunle as much as
Alabi-Isama’s “Tragedy of Victory” does. Brigadier Alabi-Isama published his
own accounts of the civil war firstly to contribute to the body of knowledge on
the subject matter and also to counter certain perceived falsehoods or
inaccuracies in Olusegun Obasanjo’s account on the 3 Marine Commando Division (3MCDO)
which was headed by Adekunle from the inception of the war up to late 1969. Alabi-Isama
described Adekunle as a fearless and reliable soldier that always led his
troops from the front. He went into details of how they planned and executed
strategies to advance on Biafran strongholds quickly and with minimal
collateral damage. He described the many map guided reviews and debates they
had and how they handled hosts communities and captured Biafran soldiers. He also
detailed how several officers in the 3MCDO met their deaths including those of
the Niger-Delta activist and militant; Isaac Adaka Boro who was somehow
commissioned into the Nigerian army as a Major despite being previously jailed
for his leadership role in an armed conflict with the Federal troops over Niger-Delta
marginalization issues that still
persists till tomorrow. Adekunle was described as a chain smoker and he drank
as well. He was extremely confident and respected by his subordinates. The 3MCDO
was arguably the most successful of the three divisions despite being the least
reinforced; he mentioned a time when Lt. Col Akinrinade became furious with
Col. Oluleye who sent barbed wire instead of proper reinforcement. Alabi-Isama
mentioned that the man Adekunle began to spend protracted periods in Lagos away
from his troops allegedly to source for supplies. He soon became impatient and
overconfident longing to end the war early as an independence day gift to Jack.
He is recorded to have ignored advice from his chief strategists and ordered
the capture of three key towns: Owerri, Aba and Umuiaha. Adekunle granted
interviews and press conferences and was in a way the poster boy of the Federal
side receiving adulations from all and sundry with a record even produced in
his honor by the legendary juju maestro, Ebenezer Obey. One particular
interview where he seemingly expressed his support for the policy to deny
supplies to Biafra in a bid to force their surrender has been rehashed
repeatedly to describe him as callous and a war criminal. He threatened to
shoot down relief aircrafts and destroy vehicles suspected to be conveying
military assistance to Biafra. It is not hidden that such routes were utilized
to get necessary military aid to the Uli air strip.
Adekunle’s apparent change of demeanor led to a confrontation
with one of his commanders who he called a coward for seemingly being reluctant
to carry out his directive to capture Aba; he had told reporters that the towns
of Owerri, Aba and Umuiaha would be captured in two weeks. Lt. Col Philemon
Shande subsequently marched on Aba as a man of honor in an apparent suicide
mission where he was shot and killed. This mission was a colossal failure with
the 3MCDO suffering thousands of casualties in a few weeks more than they had
suffered for more than a year that the war had started. Major Etuk was caught
up in Owerri for several weeks where his brigade suffered incredible losses.
They finally broke out on their own when it became clear that they were
waiting endless for reinforcements to arrive. His few surviving men carried
with them the dead body of their second in command Major Ted Hamman who was
slain by a sniper’s bullet. It was clear to Lt. Cols Akinrinade and Alabi-Isama
that their commander was losing the plot and they escaped to army headquarters in
Lagos to request a change in command after a futile attempt by Adekunle to
ambush them. Due to their reservations about certain Yoruba colonels, the two
army strategists settled for suggesting to the headquarters that the army
engineer based in Ibadan Col. Obasanjo be drafted to head the division. That is
how a non-infantry officer found himself as the head of the 3MCDO when the
final assault to surround Biafra forced their battle ground surrender to Lt.
Col Akinrinade in January 1970; Col. Obasanjo only came on the scene later in
the day when he posed for a photograph on the captured Uli airstrip while some
of his soldiers looked on at the periphery. Alabi-Isama pointed out that it
took much convincing and a failed strategy ordered by Obasanjo before the final
move that involved the three divisions grinding down simultaneously on Biafra
was executed which eventually forced a surrender in only a few weeks.
Alabi-Isama stated in his book that Adekunle may have suffered from what is now
known as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) after being on the battle continuously
for several months, hence his inconsistent and irrational behavior.
Adekunle was not changed alone, the 31 years old Col Murtala
Mohammed who oversaw a massacre in Asaba and a calamitous routing of thousands
of 2 Division Federal troops under his command by Biafran forces in defiant
river Niger crossings into Onitsha in October 1967. This is
Brigadier Benjamin Adekunle was relegated to the background
and only had one significant role after the war; to decongest the Lagos port at
Apapa where a gridlock of imported goods had developed. The Gowon government in
a bid to facilitate development following an oil revenue boom ordered massive
supplies of cement, a good amount of which ended up being dumped in the sea due
to delays at the port. He was retired in 1974.
Murtala Mohammed pulled out of the war due to his many
failures and controversies. He was deployed to his primary signals corps and
remained stagnant at the rank of Brigadier for about 4 years. The once revered
future super star of Northern officers in the Military and advocate for
Northern secession had become past tense, left to ruminate over the atrocities
and tragedies that occurred under his watch. When Gowon dillydallied on the
issue of elections and handover to democratically elected officials, now middle
ranking officers led by Shehu Yar’adua proposed a change of government to him which
he agreed to only on assurances of non-violence. The tactical maneuver took
place on the anniversary of the 1966 mutiny and Murtala installed Obasanjo and
T Y Danjuma as his immediate deputies. Bisalla who was technically senior to Danjuma
was retained as Brigadier and defence commissioner. Danjuma had been course mates
with the likes of Alani Akinrinade, Ayo-Ariyo and Alabi-Isama. Murtala who was recorded
as being hot tempered and intolerant of insubordination but overly critical of
senior officers had finally assumed a post he argued vehemently for to be given
to the highest ranking northern officer in July/ August 1966 as a compromise to
retain northern Nigeria in the federation following the mutiny. Lt. Col Yakubu
Gowon was the most senior northerner and became head of state despite having
Colonels and Brigadiers ahead of him in the hierarchy of the army. This anomaly
led to further schism being engrained in the military, an event that further
provoked the war and which the Igbo ethnic group has never recovered despite
their overwhelming majority among the officers’ cadre prior to July 1966.
Murtala went around without any pomp and pageantry and was seen by all as a
simple man hell bent on ridding Nigeria of corruption and correcting the failures
and disappointment of the Gowon led aristocrats. His mass purging of military
officers, Vice chancellors, civil servants, cleaners, messengers amongst other
groups of workers during an almost 4 month period earned him many fans and
haters at the same time. Civil servants began to secure their futures like they
still do till today and aggrieved soldiers plotted to restore status quo; so
they claimed.
Col. Bisalla became Brigadier but was not considered for the
top jobs in the new government led by Murtala. He was found guilty in the
bloody coup that ended Murtala’s life despite attending Murtala’s burial. He denied
any involvement and was only sentenced to death based on confessional
statements given by the chief executor of the February 13 1976 coup; Lt. Col
Dimka. His suspected displeasure at being overlooked by Murtala for a junior
officer was regarded as enough gun powder to trigger his lust for power. He was
executed alongside over 30 other soldiers, a policeman and a civilian for their
alleged roles in the 76 coup.
Alani Akinrinade rose to Lt. General and served in top roles in
the army till his retirement. He has been active in various pro-democracy
campaigns and most recently took part in activities regarding the recently concluded
national conference. Alabi-Isama did not go beyond the rank of Brigadier as he
was literarily frustrated to move for voluntary retirement in 1978 after his
few conflicts with Olusegun Obasanjo which commenced during the civil war. Col.
Mamman Shuwa made Major. General but was also relegated to the background prior
to being retired. He was shot repeatedly and killed in front of his house in Maiduguri
on the 2nd of November 2012 by gunmen alleged to be Boko Haram
despite the presence of soldiers. Most of the key players on the federal side
during the civil war are either dead, maimed or impoverished with only a few
making significant gains of their lives. Many of their stories are sad and lost
in time; unjust reward for their sacrifices I think.
Col. Obasanjo has been there and done that, he still dips his
canines in Nigerian affairs till tomorrow. He assumed the role of head of state
albeit reluctantly advancing then Lt. Col Shehu Yar’adua to Brigadier in order
to balance the equation following the elimination of Murtala. They enacted a
degree and backdated it in order to ensure those accused and convicted in the
February 76 coup paid with their lives. Hypocrites sentenced their colleagues to
death by firing squad; most of whom participated alongside them in the July 66
mutiny. Military actions in Zaki Biam and Odi will forever smear his “patch-patch”
credentials as civilian president not forgetting the “unknown soldier’”
debacle.
Many military officers became too politicized and reaped for
themselves dynasties from the commonwealth of the Nigerian state they helped to
superglue together. Oil blocks they have like postage stamps, they own
high-tech farms and factories; shares in oil servicing, transport, airline, construction
and telecommunication companies; universities that paupers cannot attend,
non-governmental organizations and are board of trustees in political parties. The
man who said mobile telephones were not meant for poor people has been the
senate president for years now. We are not sure of the ones among them that may
be funding militant groups and terrorist organizations.
I understand the fact that those who suffered the most and
faced annihilation from the unfortunate Nigerian civil war are still angry at
the misdeeds of the Federal government forces. I do not think that any
national apology has ever been rendered like how the Australian leadership
apologized for the injustices meted out to indigenous Aborigines decades prior.
Despite this obvious fact, it is imperative for this dynamic and resilient
ethnic group to look within themselves and put all issues regarding Nigeria in
proper perspective. Those who quote Adekunle’s press conference to label him as
a war criminal should not single him out and ignore what our history clearly
exposes to us. The highly revered Odumegwu Ojukwu arguably out of grave concern
for his people plunged them into a conflict they should have known he could not
win. His calculations for the conflict were obviously wrong and he should have
reconsidered when 12 states were created just before the conflict. Biafra
territory could not be enforced on the oil rich ethnic groups that make up the present
day south-south geopolitical zone, Ojukwu should as well be tagged as a war
criminal because of the many atrocities that occurred under his watch. It is
clear that Ojukwu paid for propaganda campaigns to gain worldwide sympathy and
support, it is clear that relief aircrafts had weapons on board yet the man is
still held in high esteem. Ojukwu ordered the execution of Lt. Col Victor
Banjo, Major Ifeajuna who planned the first coup and two others on counts of
mutiny and plans to overthrow his rule less than 3 months into the conflict. Would
we say Ifeajuna was wrong to attempt to overthrow Ojukwu if he indeed planned
such or thought fighting the federal troops was going to be futile? Ben Gbulie
in his book “The fall of Biafra” details how he received directives from the
Biafra headquarters to quell cannibalism and crime amongst Biafrans [Gbulie was
part of the first coup in Kaduna]. Ojukwu was defiant in a war that had reduced
his people to flesh eaters and despite vouching to fight to the last man; he fled
to find amnesty outside of Nigeria with a choice car on board when he realized Biafra
was going to fall.
Everyone who picked up a gun to kill and a pen or used their
mouths to tell lies during the Nigerian civil war is a war criminal. Those that
still ensure we are on that path now are war criminals. Anyone who breeds and
fuels division amongst Nigerians is guilty of crimes against humanity; those
who teach their children and kin to hate others and sabotage the nation are criminals. Goodluck Jonathan is not salve for the years of pain; he is not
vindication and restoration for the years the locusts have eaten. The Igbos were
traded as slaves by the more peripherally located tribes to work plantations in
the “carried beyond” lands; should there be solidarity with these ones to spite
another group? Nigeria can work especially if real and relevant issues are
addressed and agreed. Biafra is not sustainable; it arose based on a projection
that the Eastern region would remain with the oil rich states. What is left of
that dream is a landlocked region that is arguably too small to contain a
highly energetic and industrious populace, we should be talking about how to
maximize our potentials instead of haggling over who is going where and with
who or what. We have shed so much blood on our lands and buried so many bones
underneath; I bet God would turn away at the crimes we have done and the bloods
we are constantly sharing and encouraging others to shed.
Benjamin Adekunle’s exploits have been unfairly intered just
like that of Ifeajuna while some people are claiming to be equal to Lee Kua
Yew, Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela, Gandhi and Barak Obama who has
transformed America like never before. Those who want to call Adekunle a war
criminal should go and read extensively about Nigeria and the civil war and
find out why he was called the “Black Scorpion”.
May his soul rest in peace.
Jide Akeju
13/09/2014
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